Social relations and social exchanges

Durkheim ‘ s ( 1951 ) theory of societal integrating revealed the importance of societal relationships such as matrimony, parentage spiritual engagement by supplying a sense of significance and intent in life. Durkheim emphasized that societal integrating gives people socially cohesive groups and gives members a sense of intent in life and certainty. Although societal integrating in societal groups may non ever be easy, it is normally better to incorporate than be isolated. Social integrating normally leads to societal support, assisting to protect the person against uncertainness and hopelessness that may take to perturb operation ( Thoits, 1992 ) .

Social integrating theory as stated by Su and Ferraro, “ focuses on the ways in which societal linkages and societal webs may command and modulate an person ‘s behaviour or ideas and feelings in ways that by and large promote better wellbeing ” ( 1997 ) House, Landis. and Umberson ( 1988b ) defined societal integrating as, “ the being or measure of societal ties or relationships, which may in bend be distinguished as to type and frequence. Su and Ferraro ( 1997 ) stated, “ a individual ‘s grade of societal integration/isolation is a map non merely of the figure of relationships he or she has with other people or the frequence of interaction with those people ” ( p. 28 ) . Su and Ferraro ( 1997 ) further stated, “ It is of import from an integrating position to estimate the sociometric linkages persons have, for these are seen as indispensable in determining wellness and morale ” ( p. 28 ) . Previous research showed that non merely are structural belongingss of import, but content of societal relationships is of import ( Adams & A ; Blieszner. 1995 ) .Theses suggested it is the quality of the societal relationship non merely the being of the societal relationship that is of import in furthering wellbeing.

Another theoretical position to see is societal exchange theory. The societal exchange theory positions societal life as correspondent to economic minutess and the theory portions thoughts of behavioural psychological science. Any action provides some wages. Harmonizing to Mitchener, DeLamaster and Schwartz ( 1986 ) people attempt to maximise wagess. In add-on, the societal exchange theory maintains that people will set up relationships merely if they find it profitable to go on their exchange of goods and services. After a life-time of giving more to younger people than they received from them, seniors must progressively come to accept benefits. Dowd ( 1984 ) stated, “ This is hard to accept in malice of the fact they have ‘social recognition ‘ from past parts because they may hold less to offer to equilibrate the relationship ” . The cardinal issue in this relationship theory appears to be what the older individual can lend to a relationship to further a sense of reciprocality.

Family members are typically the major beginning of societal webs. However, other informal supports besides make important parts to societal webs. These societal webs include extended kin ( Powers & A ; Kivett, 1992 ) , church webs ( Chatters. Taylor. & A ; Jackson. 1985 ) , and friends and neighbours.

The construction of older grownup ‘s societal webs persists over clip. The term construction refers to the webs size and web denseness of the older grownup ( Adams & A ; Blieszner. 1995 ) . Anntonucci ( 1990 ) disputed the impression that with progressing age societal webs shrink in size and frequence of contacts. Reciprocity is involved in long-run societal webs unlike short-run relationships.

Okun and Keith ( 1998 ) besides looked at positive every bit good as negative societal exchanges. Their findings indicated the complexness of looking at positive and negative societal webs and psychological results. They conclude that more work needed to be done in looking at these complex societal exchanges in the aged. Social networks development and alteration is a “ complex, multi-dimensional procedure ” ( Adams. 1987 ) .

Research workers are besides proposing that non all societal webs have a positive consequence on the aged ( Adams & A ; Blieszner, 1995 ) . “ It is necessary to deconstruct friendly relationship and blood-related relationships, to analyze their countless dimensions and to acknowledge that simply holding relationships is non an indicant that person is aging good ( Adams & A ; Blieszner, p. 225, 1995 ) .

Possibly instead than chiefly looking at negative or positive experiences, research workers should utilize a wider lens by looking holistically at how the aged think, act, and act in sing their societal universe. Adams and Blieszner ( 1995 ) described the societal universe of the aged as holding structural and processing constituents. These writers identified constructions as: the signifier of ties associating an person ‘s relationships such as the figure of associates, the hierarchy among them, the similarity of their societal places, the proportion of associates who know one another, and the sum of solidarity among them. ( Adams & A ; Blieszner, 1995, p. 226 ) The writers besides defined the processing constituent as the affective, behavioural, and cognitive elements involved in these structural channels.

From the position of understanding the processing constituent, societal webs can possibly be captured in footings of Bourdieu ‘s impression of habitus ( Bourdieu. 1977 ) Bourdieu defined habitu & A ; eacute ; s as mental constructions through which people deal with their societal environment. Bourdieu believed that there is a system finding the affectional, behavioral and cognitive procedures formed from societal experiences, corporate memories, and ways of believing about these experiences ( Bourdieu, 1977 ) .

To take from Bourdieu, possibly what can be researched in the societal webs of the aged is the systemic procedures in grounds. This would intend an rating of societal experiences, corporate memories, and the ways the aged think about these experiences.

In the following subdivision will look at how pregnant devising spirals through the life of the aged. The 3rd conceptualisation of successful ripening is described in the undermentioned paragraphs of intending doing through acquisition. ( Nutt, 2001a ) Two geriatric theories are considered the theoretical orientation to this survey: societal exchange theory and societal web theory. Each of these is discussed below. ( Uchino, 2004 )

Social Exchange Theory

The conceptual foundation of societal support is societal exchange theory. In societal exchange theory, societal interactions are viewed as a series of minutess. The minutess are “ voluntary actions of persons that are motivated by the returns they are expected to convey and typically do in fact bring from others ” ( Blau, 1964, p.91 ) . The societal returns or wagess of exchange interactions include goods, services and sentiments ( fondness, blessing and regard ) . The penalties, or costs of exchange minutess are waiving an surrogate and rewarding activity, i.e. , the loss of a wages ( Homans, 1961 ) . There is much conceptual similarity between societal exchange theory and economic theory, including impressions of wages, chance costs, value and net income.

Every exchange is built upon the rule of duty. The duty is imposed upon the receiver by the transmitter. The receiver can dispatch the duty by returning, or reciprocating, a wages. The procedure of common exchange, or reciprocality, is a cosmopolitan norm that gives stableness to societal systems ( Gouldner, 1960 ) . Even the most selfless of societal exchanges-blood contribution by an unpaid, anon. , voluntary donor-contains “ some outlook and confidence that a return gift may be needed and received at some future clip ” ( Titmuss, 1971, p.89 ) .

Reciprocality is linked to the component of clip. The societal exchange relation links each dealing to a history and a hereafter ( Emerson, 1972 ) . The exchange relation assumes that there will be an lasting connexion that may change in strength with the transition of clip. Indeed. the societal public assistance plans of Social Security and Medicare represent intergenerational understandings of income transportation and wellness attention that are promised by and to consecutive coevalss.

Reciprocity is governed by societal norms of just exchange known as distributive justness. The societal norms serve to steer and protect the participants of societal exchanges. In an industrial society, the norm of distributive justness holds that each individual ‘s wagess and net incomes will be relative to his/her costs and investings ( Homans, 1961 ) . When this criterion is met, it may be said that the common duties are fulfilled and the histrions satisfied. The application of distributive justness remains extremely subjective and can itself go one of the values being exchanged.

Economic exchanges permit specification sing the footings of refund. Social exchanges, by contrast, are non quantifiable, so duties remain unspecified ( Blal4 1964 ) . A net value can non be assigned, for illustration, to fondness or advice. Missing a quantifiable value for the unit of exchange, the footings of refund remain ill-defined.

If the exchange histrions believe that the norms of reciprocality were non met, an asymmetrical balance occurs. Asymmetrical exchanges create relationships of liability, dependance and development. Aged persons who have experienced age-related alterations in income and societal position may miss the personal resources needed for balanced exchanges. Harmonizing to Dowd ( 1975 ) , the lone exchange resources available to the aged are dependance and conformity. He theorizes that many aged individuals disengage from societal interactions instead than pay the high cost of staying engaged, i.e. , dependence and societal conformity.

Antonucci and Jackson ( 1990 ) argue that Dowd ‘s theory is limited because it is temporally inactive. Harmonizing to their longitudinal position of societal exchanges, persons, whether consciously or unconsciously, maintain a psychological “ Social Support Bank ” of “ sedimentations ” and “ backdowns ” which accrue over a life-time of societal exchanges. The aging single, faced with increasing demands and decreasing resources, can avoid feelings of liability and low self-pride by remembering earlier “ sedimentations ” she/he made into the support bank and from which she/he can now retreat. This psychological mechanism permits the person to keep reciprocality throughout the life span.

There is room for both theories in the great diverseness of human exchanges. A psychological mechanism for ciphering duties explains how persons and societies “ maintain mark ” over clip. Some persons may withdraw from societal dealingss when their societal “ currency ” is depleted. The deficient recognition may be a map of womb-to-tomb asymmetrical societal dealingss, or a womb-to-tomb deformation in ciphering mutual duties. ( Rosenhand, 1999 )

Exchange Theory

Predicated on an premise that histrions seek returns on personal investings in societal interaction, exchange theory utilizes a derivative neo-economic theoretical account to explicate interpersonal dealingss. Exchange theoreticians have generated a considerable principal of literature placing positive and negative effects of interaction in research lab experiments and field probes attuned to the wane and flow of personal dealingss as a map of recompense or outgo. In the class of consecutive loops, the focal point has shifted from neo-economic beginnings of exchange theory and its contention that people approach all interaction with an oculus to maximising wagess and minimising costs, to a broader concern with pull outing value, inquiries of decreasing returns in sustained interaction, or exercising power over interaction spouses. As Cook ( 2000 ) points out, definitions of returns, diminished returns, and fringy costs are dependent on histrions ‘ findings.

In geriatrics, exchange theory has aided the analysis of the dynamic quality of interpersonal dealingss and their centrality to successful ripening. Here, excessively, conceptualisation has evolved from a limited focal point on exchange theory to an involvement in socioemotional selectivity, selective optimisation, societal resources, and parallel accounts of differential association, whether those be inclusive or exclusionary. Variations of exchange theory underpin much caregiving research, scrutiny of intergenerational dealingss, every bit good as the experience of disturbances ( Raschick & A ; Ingersoll-Dayton, 2004 ) .

Gerontologists normally assert that supportive bonding provides helpful effects, satisfaction, and sustenance even as they recognize that such ties can besides be nerve-racking and discomforting. Acknowledging the importance of interaction, it is widely held that interpersonal dealingss are healthy throughout life, emergent issues notwithstanding. Social support and interpersonal webs mediate emphasis and facilitate adjustment even as they encompass differential power and resource distributions and influence among interaction spouses, or supply fixed or variable avenues to equivalent terminals ( Cook, 2000 ; Cook & A ; Yamagishi, 1992 ; Rook, 2003 ; Willer, Lovaglia, & A ; Markovsky, 1997 ; Willer, 1999 ) .

In geriatrics, analysis of societal exchanges looks at the manner older people are perceived, at assorted aspects of interaction and reciprocality, whether dialogues yield positive or negative consequences, and whether being embedded in supportive relationships buffers sundry sick effects ( Allen & A ; Ciambrone, 2000 ; Liang, Krause, & A ; Bennett, 2001 ; Cohen, Colantonio, & A ; Vernich, 2002 ; Krause, 2004 ; Rook, 2001 ; 2003 ) .

Forms of support, aid, intergenerational interaction, and historical alterations in chance or web constructions, every bit good as the apparent value of the aged, are often explored from an exchange theory position ( Clarke, 1997 ; Davey & A ; Eggebeen, 1998 ; Davey & A ; Norris, 1998 ; Silverstein, Conroy, Wang, Giarrusso, & A ; Bengtson, 2002 ) .

Exchange theory was foreshadowed in classical economic sciences ( Adam Smith, Ricardo, Mill, Bentham ) , sociology ( Weber, Simmel, Durkheim ) , and anthropology ( Frazer, Levi-Straus, Maus, Malinowski ) , every bit good as in operant rules of behavioural psychological science.

The seminal parts of Homans, Blau, and Emerson in sociology, or Thibaut and Kelley in psychological science, provided archetypical preparations that laid the basis for subsequent alterations.

Iterations include game theory, rational pick theory, and other attempts to foreground how picks are structured by inducements. In another discrepancy, following from Emerson ‘s early accent on structural facets of societal dealingss, an imaginative outgrowth references formalized structural considerations of power in exchange webs. Exchange theoreticians have focused extensively on what have been termed power and resource derived functions within webs, on the emergent structural footing for positional power within webs and on coercive or potentially castigatory control in societal webs ( Cook, 2000 ) .

Despite changing premises and anticipations, there is an emerging consensus among exchange advocates that structural arrangement is as of import for manifestations of power within webs as are single properties. Continuance or expiration of societal relationships is predicated at least in portion on keeping an bearable balance of power.

Harmonizing to some research, successful dialogues and inclusion in societal procedures raise outlooks and demands for valued resources while unsuccessful exchanges or exclusion lowers demands and prompts compromising behaviour, including more modest calls for comparable resources. Furthermore, less powerful histrions find themselves viing for inclusion, and as a effect, more powerful histrions gain comparatively greater advantage from exchanges and greater benefits still when there is an absence of substitutable options ( Thye, Lovaglia, & A ; Markovsky, 1997 ; Willer, 1999 ) . Notwithstanding many definitional and operational disparities, the job of unfastened versus closed exchange webs, structural power and position, or a conflation of power and influence, exchange theory offers luring leads applicable to gerontology. The attending focused on development of inequalities originating out of structural factors implicit in societal dealingss may be peculiarly helpful for look intoing alterations that accompany age.

Despite considerable fluctuation, most exchange based accounts found in the geriatric literature are predicated on 2 premises. First, the quest for single addition is profoundly rooted in all behaviour ; we all seek wagess. Second, activity that is positively reinforced will digest, that which is non will discontinue. A corollary of the latter is that actions of others are a primary beginning of emotional wellbeing and morale. A more general rule is that in so far as state of affairss appear similar to state of affairss in which wagess had antecedently accrued, they will be reacted to favourably. Another proposition is that the more eventful the consequence of an action, the more likely it is that action will repeat until repletion occurs. By and large no individual dealing is sufficient to impact behaviour, because interaction occurs as a portion of a complex series of interactions. Therefore forms of success must be considered along with analyzing indirect or displaced satisfactions in unfastened and closed webs of exchange. Clearly the primary theoretical push has major deductions for ameliorating every bit good as riotous societal interaction and the creative activity of dependences in the absence of alternate agencies to an terminal.

Buttressing these premises are propositions that histrions bring an array of personal resources with them to any exchange, that resources are non distributed every bit, and that all interaction involves an interchange of value, stuff or immaterial. Continued engagement is predicated on histrions obtaining wagess from interaction while minimising costs. Peoples will persist in personal exchanges so long as benefits outweigh costs, depending on handiness of options. However, no individual interaction occurs in isolation and hence need non bear the full computation of cost-benefit calculation ( Cook, 2000 ) . Still, should honor, touchable or intangible, be devalued comparative to chance costs to obtain them, societal contact becomes unstable and finally ceases absent measure uping factors. An appraisal of costs besides entails assessment of the position of possible spouses and handiness of options for making the same end or a feasible replacement.

Harmonizing to the logic of the exchange theoretical account, relationships affecting a unidirectional flow of goods, services, or emotions are per se imbalanced and may go progressively unstable, even brittle ( Morgan, Schuster, & A ; Butler, 1991 ) , and potentially exploitatory or opprobrious. Furthermore, to understand the consequence diverse types of exchanges have on an histrion, the composite of life events qualifying an histrion ‘s life must be portion of the appraisal ( Akiyama, Antonucci, Takahashi, & A ; Langfahl, 2003 ) .

Criticisms of exchange theory have concentrated on issues of illation, empirical referents, the significance of wagess, their temporal dimensions plus subjectiveness of cost appraisals. Another subject revolves around the inquiry of the relational nature of positions, function outlooks and benefits derived.

Some critics maintain exchange theory has failed to travel beyond methodological individuality, simplistic impressions of support, a inclination to trust on reductionist logic and debatable appraisal of effects. Although the symbiotic nature of functions, individuality, and sense of ego is potentially one of the major parts of exchange theory, few research workers have sought to analyze how constituents of interaction become validating or confirming factors for histrions involved or what sorts of timeframes are involved ( Davey & A ; Eggebeen, 1998 ) . Nor has sufficient attending yet been paid to how normative outlooks define roles-their para and boundaries-or determine behaviour.

Network features per Se have non yet received close attending. In response to these and comparable unfavorable judgments, a figure of reformulations have appeared. Emphasis has shifted from one-sided maximization of investings to keeping an optimum balance of costs and benefits to greater specification of the influence of the norms of distributive justness, associating these to moral economic systems, and the finding of normative outlooks, particularly those of reciprocality.

In visible radiation of contentions of excessively heavy an accent on psychologistic accounts, fluctuations known as social-environmental, personal resource, and equity theories have addressed issues of transactional definitions of the state of affairs, normative pluralism, and the structural footing of power and influence in determination devising. Besides positive consequence and support, negative effects may besides adhere to exchange-based relationships ( Cook, 2000 ; Davey & A ; Norris, 1998 ; Rook, 2003 ) .

Exchange Theory and Aging

Those who adopt an exchange position in societal geriatrics presume there is a rebalancing of exchange dealingss as a effect of aging procedures.

Changes in the societal universe of the aged have been analyzed in footings of realignments of personal relationships brought on by a redefinition of older people ‘s functions, accomplishments, parts, interpersonal values, or ability to exert power and influence.

Since its debut into geriatrics in the 1970s, exchange theory has provided a valuable heuristic tool to analyse alterations in primary relationships, strengths and failings of societal support webs, household interaction, position diminution, and those facets of interaction predicated on the ability of older individuals to enforce their will upon their environments.

Exchange theory has besides been utilized for analysing unstable dimensions of self-concepts and a scope of other subjective factors important to an person ‘s sense of personal worth. More late it has been used as a templet for doing sense of negative effects or in the designation of “ weak power ” as a manner to impart interaction. Discussions of human, societal, and cultural capital besides have linkages to interchange theory ( Bourdieu, 1986 ; Lin, Cook, & A ; Burt, 2001 ) .

Particularly of import parts have derived from analyses of the seeming docility, conformity, and respect apparent among some aged as a mediating scheme for bartering with younger interaction spouses or bureaucratisms. Recent research has concentrated on the construction of chance as a cardinal factor in the accrual or power in intergenerational interaction ( Akiyama, Antonucci, Takahashi, & A ; Langfahl, 2003 ) . Becker and co-workers ( 2003 ) utilized an exchange theoretical account in a 5-year longitudinal probe of intergenerational reciprocality and common aid in 4 cultural populations and found explanatory value in exchange theory, cultural sheathings notwithstanding. Probes in other civilizations ( Chou & A ; Chi, 2001 ; Cornman, Goldman, Glei, Weinstein, & A ; Chang, 2003 ) buttress the possible explanatory impact of exchange theory. In the past decennary, exchange theoretical accounts have expanded their focal point to analyze differential buffering effects of web size and the consequence on assorted results ( Allen & A ; Ciambrone, 2000 ; Keyes, 2002 ; Liang, Krause, & A ; Bennett, 2001 ; Newsom, Nishishiba, Morgan & A ; Rook, 2003 ; Rook 2003 ; Unger, McAvay, Bruce, Berkman, & A ; Seeman, 1999 ) .

Aninnovative fluctuation of exchange theory can be found in socioemotional selectivity theory. One of the most challenging facets of socioemotional theory is the contention that older people exercise bureau in make up one’s minding on interaction spouses and are non simply inactive spouses in societal dealingss. As formulated by Carstensen ( 1995 ; Fung, Carstensen, & A ; Lang, 2001 ) and co-workers, socioemotional selectivity theory contends that volitional societal dealingss reflect penchants whenever executable. As people age, it is hypothesized that they select societal relationships based on standards meaningful to them, jettisoning peripheral engagements as notworth their attempt. What is peculiarly interesting is the inexplicit impression that power does non shack, ex parte, in other parties to the relationship but that older individuals besides exercise bureau, choosing relationships in footings of relevance for one or another docket. In a series of empirical probes, including contrasting cultural and cultural differences, advocates of socioemotional selectivity theory have identified believable grounds of a procedure in which wise interaction picks are reflected in societal exchanges ( Fung & A ; Carstensen, 2004 ; Fung, Carstensen, & A ; Lang, 2001 ; Fung, Lai, & A ; Ng, 2001 ; Hendricks & A ; Cutler, 2004 ) .

Social exchange theory has given rise to a figure of avenues of research analyzing how societal interaction is structured and how ageing is involved. Aldwin and Gilmer ( 2004 ) have pointed out the demand to be more originative in qualifying societal dealingss and that greater attending must be paid to the emotional significance of interaction spouses, non simply their denseness. Considerable research examines whether societal relationships are a factor in the experience of emphasis, ill-health, and other signifiers of hurt. Research workers are besides get downing to see exogenic determiners of interaction forms within webs. Cross-links with political and moral economic sciences and societal capital are switching off from the early preparation and taking to macro degrees of analysis that may bode even greater parts ( Hendricks, 2003 ; Lin, Cook, & A ; Burt, 2001 ) . ( Schulz, 2006 )

An Overview of the Network Perspective

Within formal web theory, the term web refers to the ties that connect a specific set of histrions or nodes ( Mitchell, 1969 ) . Although nodes typically represent persons, they can merely as easy stand for other societal entities: corporations, groups, or households. Networks can be differentiated by their range. Personal or ego-centric webs encompass the ties environing a individual focal person ( Cohen et al. , 2000 ) Aggregate or whole webs encompass the entire set of ties among members of a population. Because they are most applicable to the steps of societal integrating we have discussed, we pay sole attending to personal webs in which nodes represent persons and ties represent relationships between persons.

Network analysis is a quantitative agency of depicting the relationships that exist between members of an person ‘s societal web. For illustration, web analysts use the figure of nodes contained in a web to supply an estimation of the web ‘s size. For our intents, web analysis provides a agency of mensurating belongingss of webs that may supply a closer lucifer to theories about societal integrating. We begin our treatment of the web position by reexamining steps of web construction that may be relevant to societal integrating. ( Cohen et al. , 2000 )

The theoretical model chosen for this survey is the exchange theory. The exchange theory is a conceptual model which views human behaviour and household behaviour on the footing of wagess and costs. Exchange theory explains societal interaction in footings of its results or the wagess received and the costs incurred by each participant in the interaction. ( Jones, 1984 )

Social Exchange Theory

Social exchange theory assumes that worlds are rational existences and that they make determinations instead than hold them predetermined by their environment ( Couper, 1989 ) . Exchange theory was non originally formulated by geriatricians, but as a sociological theory foremost advanced by Homans ( 1961 ) and Blau ( 1964 ) .

Homans stated that societal exchange theory includes four basic premises:

  1. Persons and groups act rationally to maximise wagess and minimise costs to themselves, including those of clip, energy, attempt, and wealth. Persons will take interactions from which they expect to “ net income ” in some way-increased societal chances, enhanced sense of dignity, or achievement. Peoples besides tend to assist those who have helped them, and to non wound them, to avoid revenge.
  2. Persons predict present exchanges by past experiences.
  3. An person will keep an interaction every bit long as it continues to be more rewarding than dearly-won.
  4. When one person is dependent on another, the latter accrues power. Power is derived from instability in the societal exchange, with the 1 who values the wagess more extremely losing power.

Homans ( 1961 ) and Thibaut and Kelley ( 1959 ) stated that societal exchange theory positions societal relationships in footings of their more immediate and surface benefits. From this perspective persons engage in societal behaviour that is honoring, and relationships develop and persist over clip to the extent that each person involved can supply resources of value to the other ( Burgess & A ; Huston, 1979 ) .

The most general and extended application of exchange theory to explicate the position of the aged has been made by Dowd ( 1975 ) . He began by knocking detachment and activity theories for non turn toing the inquiry of why societal interaction and activity frequently decrease with age.According to Dowd ( 1975 ) , mutual benefits can non be assumed in societal exchanges ; both parties to a societal dealing must be examined to find who is profiting more and why. Loss of power or the ability to command one ‘s environment is offered as the account of why older people, left merely with the capacity for conformity, disengage. Older people disengage because it is non reciprocally fulfilling, because others enjoy a distinguishable advantage in the power relationship. This power advantage is reflected in the economic and societal dependence of older people who have outmoded accomplishments. With small to interchange that is of value, they are forced to accept the retirement function in exchange for limited societal services, retirement pensions, and Medicare. Unable to take part in labour markets, they are limited in their entree to two valued power resources: stuff ownerships and places of authorization.

The other power resources identified by Dowd are personal features, such as beauty, strength, and intelligence ; relational features, such as influential friends or caring kids ; and generalized reinforces, such as regard, blessing, acknowledgment, and support. All these power resources tend to prefer the immature in American society.

Dowd ( 1980 ) emphasized the constructs of dependance and respect as indexs of power: Power is acquired through the ability to fulfill one ‘s demands without holding to depend on or go indebted to other people. For many older people without resources as a footing of power, respect predominates in their interactions.

Despite their limited resources, most older people seek to keep some grade of reciprocality and to be active, independent agents in the direction of their ain lives. Dowd suggests that a rule for the development of policies and services for older people should be a pursuit for schemes to maximise their resources that are valued by society.

Social Network Theory

Social web theory appears to be a utile attack and conceptual base for understanding the operation of informal and formal support webs in ulterior life. The minutess that occur in support webs are chiefly in the signifier of supportive ties or exchanges among some set of persons ( Pilisuk & A ; Parks, 1981 ) .

Pilisuk and Parks ( 1981 ) described a societal support web as “ a set or scope of regular interpersonal minutess that assists the person in run intoing physical, psychological, and societal demands. “ Shumaker and Brownell ( 1984 ) defined societal support as “ an exchange of resources between at least two persons perceived by the supplier or the receiver to be intended to heighten the wellbeing of the receiver. ” within these they included behavioural aid, feedback, information, familiarity, and lay referrals. Shumaker and Brownell indicate out that their definition includes non merely web members but besides aliens and experts who might supply support.

Lin ( 1986 ) presented two attacks to gestating societal support. The first utilizes a man-made definition, sing societal support as the “ perceived or existent instrumental and/or expressive commissariats supplied by the community, societal webs, and confiding spouses.

Lin ‘s 2nd attack physiques on societal resource theory. He distinguishes between strong and weak societal ties and between instrumental and expressive societal action in which ends and agencies may nor may non be distinguishable.

Vaux ( 1988 ) views societal support as a complex transactional procedure affecting an active interplay between a focal individual and his or her support web.

The person must develop and prolong web resources, capable to the chances and restraints of his peculiar life context. Often he or she must actively seek aid from web members and pull off support incidents so that proffered supportive behaviour meets his or her current demands. The single must actively measure personal relationships with others, both in footings of ongoing interactions and those that occur within support incidents. These assessments may take to attempts to regenerate web resources. ( Hanafy, 1992 )

Social Network Theory

The focal point of societal web theory is on the relational ties ( or linkages ) that exist between a set of persons ( or histrions ) within a societal system ( Knoke & A ; Kuklinski, 1982 ; Leinhardt, 1977 ; Wasserman & A ; Faust, 1994 ) . Social web theory assumes mutuality between histrions, an premise antonym to the individualistic attack of most psychological theory which assumes independency between histrions ( Knoke & A ; Kuklinski, 1982 ; Wassennan & A ; Faust, 1994 ) . Therefore, while the methodological processs used in most psychological research deemphasize the societal context of the person, societal web analysis marks this context ( Wasserman & A ; Faust, 1994 ) .

In consequence, societal web analysis allows the research worker to look at emergent societal phenomena that have no being at the single degree ( Knoke & A ; Kuklinski, 1982 ) . Such analytic processs are appropriate for analyzing the relationships of striplings within a school scene and supply a agency for obtaining a more complete image of how societal contextual factors affect single young person ‘s psychosocial behaviour and wellbeing.

Social web theory makes an of import differentiation between properties and dealingss. Specifically, properties, as alluded to above, are the intrinsic features of histrions and do non depend on context, while dealingss are the connexions between two or more histrions and are context-dependent ( Knoke & A ; Kuklinski, 1982 ) . Attribute-focused research most commonly utilizations persons ‘ properties to explicate the similarities and differences between people. Conversely, relation-focused research uses ties between histrions to explicate the operation of persons and the societal web system. Different types of dealingss identify different webs within a societal system. For illustration, a system may incorporate a web of liked equals and of disliked equals, and a web of mixed-affective dealingss that includes both liked and disliked equals. Harmonizing to societal web theory, these relational webs may hold an consequence at both the degree of the histrion ( single behaviours ) and the system ( overall public presentation ) which would non be predicted based on the exclusive scrutiny of histrion properties ( Knoke & A ; Kuklinski, 1982 ) . The power and temptingness of societal web analysis stems from the possible it affords to bring forth a image of a societal system which captures both the properties of its single histrions and the dealingss that exist among these histrions ( Knoke & A ; Kuklinski, 1982 ) .

Social web theory ‘s focal point on the societal context and relational ties among single histrions is based on two of import premises about societal behaviour ( Knoke & A ; Kuklinski, 1982 ; Wasserman & A ; Faust, 1994 ) . First, societal web theory assumes that there are legion histrions in a societal system that interact with each other and that these single histrions serve as important mention points in the decision-making of other system histrions. Second, it assumes that there are assorted degrees of construction in a societal system and a permanent form of dealingss among these degrees ( Knoke & A ; Kuklinski, 1982 ) . Harmonizing to theory, the dealingss that exist between histrions serve as channels through which information or resources are transferred. Such transportations are facilitated or limited by the environment and the chances or restraints it provides for interactions between histrions ( Wassennan & A ; Faust, 1994 ) . Therefore, an histrion ‘s location in the web and her/his form of dealingss with other histrions affects the behaviours, perceptual experiences, and attitudes of the focal histrion. For illustration, if a school is considered the societal system, the organisation of agendas and schoolrooms limits the interaction of kids with each other. Similarly, within a schoolroom, lasting siting agreement may ease young persons ‘ interactions with some pupils and restrict it with others, therefore impacting the relational ties and the flow of information between persons.

Although the treatment of web theory presented here suggests the being of one overruling theoretical position, there are really two comparable positions from which societal web analysis is typically discussed: Graph theory and matrix theory ( Iacobucci, 1994 ; Knoke & A ; Kuklinski, 1982 ) . Graph theory is based on Moreno ‘s ( 1934 ; cited in Wasserman & A ; Faust, 1994 ) “ innovation ” of the sociogram, a planar graph-like representation of a societal web, in which histrions are nodes or points on the graph and dealingss between histrions are lines that connect nodes. Matrix theory refers to the algebraic representation of sociogram information. The rows and columns of a matrix contain an indistinguishable set of histrions, where rows stand for the instigators of relational ties ( e.g. , the histrion who chooses a liked equal ) and columns represent the receivers ofthese ties ( e.g. , the histrion chosen as “ liked ” ) ( Iacobucci, 1994 ; Leinhardt, 1977 ) . In its simplest signifier, a web matrix identifies the presence or absence of a relational tie by delegating a 1 or 0, severally, to a matrix cell. Matrixs can go rather complex as they account for such factors as the changing strength of dealingss and specific histrion properties. Because of the huge sum of information a matrix can keep and the greater analytic flexibleness it allows, compared to sociograms, matrix theory normally serves as the footing of computing machine plans designed to analyse societal web informations ( Iacobucci, 1994 ) . However, given the complexness of matrix theory, and the comparative simpleness of the sociogram, the current treatment of societal webs will be presented utilizing the linguistic communication of graph theory. ( Kobus, 1998 )

In the survey of life satisfaction of the aged, two major theories have been developed. These theories are disengagement theory and activity theory.

The detachment theory was developed by Cumming and Henry in 1961. This theory states that reduced activity, societal and otherwise, is expected of the aged and the extent to which an aged single complies with this function outlook is related to his or her life satisfaction.

A more expressed definition presented by Barrow and Smith ( 1979:54 ) provinces, “ Disengagement is a common backdown of the aged from society and society from the aged in order to see its ain optimum operation. ”

Cumming and Henry province that the clip and signifier of disengagement varies from single to single. The usage of societal webs by older individuals is affected by disengagement behaviour. Mitchell ( 1980:22 ) points out, “ As the individual ‘s energy diminutions, the reaction is to cut down the figure or the strength of engagements, concomitantly concentrating more on interior provinces. ” Because the older individual reduces the degree of societal interaction, the consequence is loss of societal ties. Harmonizing to Brown ( 1974:259 ) , “ Those who were less than wholly satisfied with immediate household dealingss had more often disengaged in general than those who expressed complete satisfaction. ”

Disengagement behaviour among the aged has besides been related to reduced self-pride ( Barrow and Smith, 1979 ) . This theory has been criticized by several societal scientists. Mentioned as major unfavorable judgments are that it is ethnocentric, that it discourages intercession to assist old people, that it does non explicate why some aged disengage and others do non, and that it has non been consistently retested ( Barrow and Smith, 1979 ; Mitchell, 1980 ) .

The activity theory provinces that activity is the kernel in the life of people of all ages and that older people maintain adjustment through societal contacts. This theory besides states that to turn old usually, it is necessary to retain the activities and attitudes of middle-age every bit long as possible ( Havighurst, 1961 ) . Harmonizing to Barrow and Smith ( 1979:53 ) , Activity theory predicts that those who are able to stay socially active will be more likely to accomplish a positive self-image, societal integrating, satisfaction with life and hence, they will likely age successfully.

Activity has been positively related to wellbeing and life satisfaction. Abdel-Ghany ( 1977:39 ) concludes from his survey, self-reports of version or life satisfaction among the aged are related to all types of societal activities. from intimate friendly relationships, acquiring together with familiarities, relations, or household, and activity in formal community and spiritual organisations. ( Toledo, 1982 )

Reciprocality of Social Support and Health

The reciprocality of societal support among older grownups as a societal interaction procedure draws on societal exchange and equity theories.

Social exchange theory ( Blau, 1964 ) holds that societal interactions are an exchange of honoring activities in which persons attempt to maximise their wagess ( both emotional and touchable ) and minimise their costs. Costss refer to the perceived debts incurred or the attempt needed to reciprocate in societal interactions. In order to have wagess from others, one must supply wagess in return. In consequence a mutual support of giving and receiving is established among web members.

Equity theory ( Messick & A ; Cook, 1983 ) further proposes that persons try to keep a balance in their societal interactions to keep a balance between the wagess and costs of reciproca1 exchanges. Together, societal exchange and equity theories indicate that societal support can merely be studied within an interactive ( interpersonal ) context that addresses the reciprocality of support. This would include all populations across the lifetime including older grownups.

Dowd ( 1975 ) really characterized aging as a procedure of societal exchange. He argued that as people age, they lose their resources of exchange such as money and power. Once they lose their resources, Dowd suggests that the aged can so no longer maintain reciprocality of societal support and they become chiefly receiving systems of support. Although it is widely assumed that as people age, they are less likely to be suppliers in the exchange of societal support and more likely to be receiving systems ( Dowd, 1975 ; Morgan, Schuster & A ; Butler, 1991 ) , the premise has mostly non been tested and the construct of reciprocality in societal support is non clearly understood.

In a qualitative survey, Ingersol-Dayton and Talbot ( 1992 ) interviewed 31 work forces and adult females aged 75 old ages and older to measure equity in exchanges of societal support. They found that even these old-old grownups used cognitive mechanisms to maximise support they provided to their web and to minimise support they received. The feeling from the qualitative information was that by maximising the support they gave, older grownups served to protect themselves from feelings of dependence. For some, minimising the support they gave enabled them to maintain images of those having their aid as less dependant than they appeared to be. For others, overstating the aid they received from web members enabled them to see the universe as a beneficent topographic point.

In decision, Ingersol-Dayton and Talbot suggested that some older grownups with limited resources may utilize cognitive mechanisms that exaggerate their inputs to achieve equity. Those older grownups who minimized the societal support they gave to others may be making so to keep a balance of their parts relative to others ‘ . More research is needed to augment and polish these findings about how aged perceive equity of the societal support they exchange with others.

Morgan et Al. ( 1991 ) found a major disagreement with the premise that aged become more likely to be receiving systems of societal support than suppliers when based entirely on age. These research workers interviewed 513 participants runing in age from 37 old ages to 103, populating in the community of Riverside, California. The participants were portion of a larger longitudinal survey that began in 1963 to analyze the short and long term results of mourning. For comparing, the sample was divided into five age groups: ages 37-55 old ages, 56-64 old ages, 65-74 old ages, 75-84 old ages, and 85-103 old ages old. The average age was 67.1 old ages.

Participants were asked to place up to 15 people they felt were close and of import to them. After placing both household and nonfamily persons in their societal webs, participants were asked to whom they sent each of nine signifiers of societal support and from whom they received these nine signifiers of support. Entire support included three signifiers of affectional support ( confiding in, speaking to when disturbance, and look intoing up by phone ) and six signifiers of instrumental support ( attention when ailment, aid with fundss, shopping and errands, place fix, family jobs and transit ) . Amount of each type of support exchanged within each relationship was non assessed: instead, the entire figure of support exchanges that occurred with all members of one ‘s societal web was analyzed.Linear arrested development analyses were used to prove hypotheses about the figure of societal support exchanges being affected by the age of persons.

Morgan et Al. ( 1991 ) considered that resources such as income, ADLs and web size might act upon exchange of societal support across age groups. As these resources decline with age, it was assumed that the ability to direct support is decreased and the demand to have support is increased. Controls for income and ADLs, nevertheless, did non dramatically affect societal exchanges across the age classs, although there was a important lessening in support-sending with a reduced income. Neither income nor ADLs had a important consequence on support-received.

When all three resources of income, ADLs and web size were controlled, the adjusted mean for support-sending was greater than the adjusted mean for support receiving, even in the over-85 age group. Contrary to theories of function reversal, older grownups reported that both support-sending and support-receiving lessening together across the life span, although the diminution was greater for support-sending. Even though the diminution was greater for support-sending, function reversal did non happen until age 85 and over.Only so, did the oldest old study a noteworthy addition in support received. These informations are at odds with the theoretical premise that older grownups receive more societal support than they send.

Across the age groups, Morgan et Al. ( 1991 ) found the form of societal exchange was different between household and friends and neighbours. Each household member was associated with 1.13 more signifiers of support sent than received while the spread for nonfamily members was 0.60 more signifiers of support sent than received. This larger instability in exchanges between household members compared to the instability of exchanges among non-family members suggests that friendly relationships may be more sensitive to a balance of societal support exchange or that households tolerate inequality of exchange more ( Morgan et al.1991 ) .

Antonucci ( 1985 ) has described the demand of older household members to have more societal support than they can reciprocate in footings of a “ support bank. ” She suggested that older persons contributed support to the household when they were younger so that they would be compensated subsequently by the household for their earlier inputs. Therefore, support exchanges were viewed in footings of personal relationships. Others have described household exchanges of societal support as more obligatory than exchanges with friends so that when reciprocality became more unbalanced for whatever ground, exchanges with friends were more likely terminated than those with household ( Lee & A ; . Ishi-Kuntz, 1988 ; Morgan, 1988 ) .

Given the importance of reciprocality in societal support, Antonucci and Israel ( 1986 ) examined how good the perceptual experiences of societal support by persons reflected the perceptual experiences of their web members. They called this issue of congruity of perceptual experience veridicality of societal support. A step of veridicality consisted of the per centum of understanding in each principal/network brace for each type of support they received and provided based on self-report. The sample for their survey included 218 respondents with an mean age of 77 old ages. Each rule respondent identified an norm of 2 webs members populating within a 50-mile radius who would therefore be eligible to be interviewed.

Respondents were asked to denominate who in the societal web provided them with each of six types of societal support and for whom they provided these maps: confiding ; reassurance ; regard ; ill attention ; talk with when disquieted, nervous or depressed ; and speak with approximately wellness. Network members were similarly asked their perceptual experiences about the exchange of these 6 types of support with the rule respondent. Consequences suggested that the perceptual experiences refering the giving and receiving of support were non in significant understanding in footings of the specific types of support exchanged. However. there was a 79 % grade of veridica1ity between respondents that some support was exchanged, irrespective of specific type.

It is pertinent for the present survey to observe that Antonuccci and Israel suggested that an person ‘s perceptual experience of a state of affairs ( i.e. perceived reciprocality ) is more least in some cases, than the common perceptual experiences of support exchanged ( veridicality ) .

In portion their suggestion came from another analysis of this same dataset by Ingersoll-Dayton & A ; Antonucci ( 1983 ) who measured merely perceived reciprocality of societal support by the rule respondent. Krause and Markides ( 1990 ) tried to capture the dimension of reciprocality in an instrument they developed to mensurate societal support for older grownups. In add-on to mensurating three normally assessed dimensions of societal support ( emotional, touchable and informational support ) , They added a 4th dimension which they called integration.Integration was defined as “ the grade of embededness of an person in a mutual web of shared duties, and imparts a sense of belonging ” ( p.38 ) .

After set uping cogency and dependability for their new instrument, Krause and Markides ( 1990 ) measured the societal support of351 noninstitutionaIized older grownups 65 old ages and older. The mean age was 73.4 old ages. Respondents were asked to rate the frequence of support they had received over the last twelvemonth utilizing a graduated table of 1-4 ( ne’er to really frequently ) . Twenty-eight inquiries were asked to tap the dimensions of informational, touchable and emotional support. There were 13 inquiries to tap the dimension of integrating ( reciprocality ) . This clip respondents were asked if they provided the different types of societal support to others in the last twelvemonth.

Older grownups in this survey reported that they received emotional support more often than any of the 3 types of support and that they were least likely to have informational support. Ninety per centum of the respondents indicated that they were most satisfied with the sum of touchable support they received in the last twelvemonth while merely 59 % said they were satisfied with integrating.Interestingly, 39 % of the older grownups indicated that they wished they could supply support more frequently to others. These consequences tend to varify that older grownups want to stay active in their webs and that they value the reciprocality of their interactions with others.

Primomo, Yates and Woods ( 1990 ) besides investigated societal support and looked at reciprocality. These research workers used the Norbeck Social Support Questionnaire to mensurate perceived societal support in a group of 125 adult females sing chronic unwellness. Using perennial steps ANOV A, they examined the mean sum of societal support from spouses, household, friends and others. As expected, they found that spouses provided more emotional and touchable support than did the other beginnings of support. After the spouse, household members provided more affectional support, while friends provided more affirmation support. Family and friends provided similar sums of touchable assistance.

Primomo, Yates and Woods ( 1990 ) assessed reciprocality of support by inquiring an extra inquiry along with the NSSQ. The adult females were asked to rate the extent to which each web member discussed of import jobs with them. Important jobs were non farther delineated and there was no treatment about how this inquiry was selected to stand for the reciprocality of societal support. Reciprocity was rated on a 5- point graduated table runing from non at all to a great trade.

Analysis of the reciprocality inquiry indicated that spouses provided significantly greater sums of treatment of of import jobs than either household members or friends. Respondents perceived no differences between household and friends on the reciprocality inquiry.

This reappraisal of the literature indicates that research workers are get downing to look into the part and importance of including the construct of reciprocality in the appraisal of societal support versus restricting measuring to merely that societal support a respondent receives from his/her web. However, measuring of mutual support is in the developmental stages.

Therefore the chief focal point of the present survey is to gestate and develop a step for the societal support reciprocated among older grownups with their web members. As established earlier, the NSSQ was amended, in this survey, to capture the reciprocality of societal support. This is executable because the inquiries on the NSSQ ask about behaviours that are merely as suitably provided by older grownups to others as they are received from others in the societal web. Ultimately, with an improved step of societal support, more of the discrepancy in wellness may be explained. ( Fries, 1998 )

In the present survey, we attempt to reply these inquiries form the position of equity or exchange theory that has guided much of the work on the consequence of support exchanges on the psychological wellbeing of the elderly.3Equity or exchange theory suggests that reciprocality in support dealingss is a cardinal issue in successful ripening and either extreme of non-reciprocity would ensue in negative results ( Antonucci, 1990 ; Dowd, 1975 ; Walster et al. , 1978 ) .


Exchange theory, the chief thought of which is found in the work of Homans ( 1961 ) , Blau ( 1964 ) , and Emerson ( 1962 ) , emphasizes that societal interaction is the procedure of exchange of mercenary or psychological wagess between histrions on the footing of a norm of reciprocality ( Turner, 1986 ) . This theory positions that a relation of balanced exchange would happen if the histrions affecting exchange were dependent on each other to a similar extent. If such is non the instance, so it will set up a relation of power and dependence and consequence in the equity job. Such a position was adopted by Dowd ( 1975 ) to explicate the dealingss of aged parents and grownup kids and are involved in less societal interaction, as their resources and The position of the exchange theory contains an of import deduction for understanding the intergeneration support and psychological wellbeing of the aged at the individualistic degree.

The aged, as age progresss, come to the point where they accept the beneficence of their kids and depend on them. In the interim, the aged parents set up societal recognition through their part to their kids over the class of life in exchange for support from them subsequently in life. Besides the single degree of societal recognition and outlook, the norm of filial piousness at the social degree in Korea strongly dictates that the grownup kids should back up their aged parents. The societal recognition of aged parents and the strong norm of filial piousness may anneal their psychological load when having support from their kids.

However, even in this state of affairs, reciprocating or counterbalancing the support provided by kids can be still of import to their psychological wellbeing. On the one manus, reciprocation or compensation may heighten the feelings of usefulness and self-worth which the aged parents would hold. This outlook is consistent with the perceptual experience of the life-time digesting parental function as suppliers of support among the aged in Korea.

On the other manus, being merely a receiver of support from their kids may ensue in holding feelings of guilt in burthening them, peculiarly if they are in demand of extended support organize their kids ( Kim and Rhee, 1999 ) . Therefore, we hypothesize that the aged, who both give and receive support, would be more satisfy forced to take between the two extremes of non-reciprocity – merely giving and merely receiving, equity or exchange theory suggests that having is better than giving. The state of affairs in which the aged parents continue the function of supplier without having any support from their kids deviates from the societal outlook and value that the grownup kids should back up their aged parents alternatively of being supported. Such a state of affairs may reflect the fact that kids may non be able to back up themselves but are instead in demand of aid from their aged parents. Therefore, it would take to psychological hurt for the aged parents every bit good as their kids.

Therefore, we hypothesize that the aged, who give merely aid to their kids, would be less satisfied with life than the aged who receive merely help from their kids. With regard to the absence of support exchange, we hypothesize that the aged who do non interchange support with their kids show a lower degree of life satisfaction than the aged who receive merely support from their kids. This is because the absence of support exchange between coevalss may connote a disjunction of intergenerational ties or reflect the state of affairs in which both coevalss are unable to offer any support to each other for their ain troubles.

The extent to which the aged are satisfied with their life can be affected by many factors. For an empirical trial of the hypotheses established supra, we introduced two sets of control variables constructing on old surveies ( i.e. , Kim et al. , 1998 ; Won, 1995 ; Yoo, 1997 ; Yoon and Lee, 1997 ) . The first set of variables reflects the resources of the aged parents, bespeaking fiscal position, wellness, and demographic handiness of their kids. The resources that the aged parents may hold impact the grade of life satisfaction, independently of intergenerational support exchange. At the same clip, the resources of the aged parents may lend in determining the forms of support exchange ( i.e. , those with fewer resources would be more likely to have support from their kids than supply support to the kids ) . For these grounds, we foremost controlled for the variables reflecting resources of the aged.

Another set of control variables would be demographic background variables, such as topographic point of abode, age, gender, soldierly position, and instruction. We posit that these variables may act upon the grade of life satisfaction, but their consequence is non every bit clear as that of the resource variables. The grouping of the control variables into two sets is chiefly for the convenience of treatment and it is non based on any distinct differentiation. Give our focal point on the consequence of different types of support exchange, we assume that the manner we categorize the control variables should non be a serious mistake, at least in the present survey.

We acknowledge that the typology of intergenerational dealingss used in the present survey is based on a instead simplistic position. Treating the support given and received for the different spheres individually would assist us to understand which types of support would be most relevant to the psychological wellbeing of the aged. In add-on, the comparative sum of the support exchanged between coevalss instead than the presence of intergenerational transportation would supply a more refined step of reciprocality ( i.e. , to what degree support is reciprocated versus whether it is reciprocated or non ) . However, this intervention is beyond the range of the present survey. The multidimensional facets of the intergenerational exchange and the alterations in the types of support exchanged over the life class of different coevalss make it hard to through empirical observation measure their nonsubjective balance ( Murtan and Ritzes, 1984 ; Rossi and Rossi, 1990 ) .

Trusting on equity or exchange theory, we formulated hypotheses refering to the consequence of intergenerational support exchange in the life satisfaction of the aged. They included: in contrast to the aged who are merely having, the aged who both give and receive are more satisfied with life, while the aged who merely give or the aged who do non interchange any support with their kids are less satisfied. The consequences from the multiple arrested development analysis based on study informations obtained organize the aged in Korea appear to back up these hypotheses as a whole. After commanding for variables reflecting the resources of the aged and their demographic background features, the mark of life satisfaction is significantly higher among the aged who both provide and receive support than among the aged who merely receive ; the mark is significantly lower among the aged who do non interchange any support with their kids than among the aged who merely receive ; and the mark is marginally lower among the aged who merely give than among the aged who merely receive. These consequences indicate that the reciprocality of support within household dealingss contributes to the psychological wellbeing of aged parents in Korea, while the unidirectional proviso of support to the kids every bit good as the absence of support exchange has a damaging consequence.

The determination that the balanced exchange relation between coevalss is a important facet of the subjective wellbeing of the aged in Korea suggests that being merely a receiving system of support from their kids without being able to reciprocate may take to a down consequence, although the filial piousness dictates that the aged parents should be cared for regardless of their ability to counterbalance for the support form the kids. In world, the aged every bit good as the immature coevalss in Korea may put more value on bi-directional intergenerational deal

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