New Zealand can be dated back to the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 ; it has a complex history with many legislative and professional alterations. There is a wealth of literature that discusses the professionalisation of New Zealand societal work throughout its history from the early beginnings of Maori societal public assistance to the current professional regulated pattern of today. Nash and Munford ( 2001 ) province that, societal work in New Zealand has been through stages of professional development similar to those internationally – get downing with the gradual acknowledgment by practicians of their professional societal work individuality ; followed by a move to consolidate the developing profession by organizing a national association and doing proviso for recognized educational makings and enrollment. The most important professionalisation scheme of Social Work in Aotearoa New Zealand has been the passing of the Social Work Registration Act in 2003 by the New Zealand authorities. In this literature reappraisal I will discourse the cardinal definitions of professionalisation, what is already known, the common subjects of professionalisation identified in the literature, and what can be learned from the professions history and what remains unknown for the profession.
Social Work enrollment is a certification of making and/or competence confirming that the individual has met the needed standards. It does non imply any legal punishment for non-registered practicians. However, it may supply protection of rubric, which imposes punishments on non-registered practicians utilizing the rubric of the registered profession ( Lonne and Duke, 2009 ) .
Members of a profession occupy a place of explicit and inexplicit trust within a society and typically keep a privileged place,
They must exert defined functions and undertakings in a responsible and antiphonal mode to profit the community
They undertake societal and economic intercessions that can significantly act upon the political and other spheres that form society and its citizens
The profession must show ownership of and command over a specific organic structure of cognition and accomplishments that society values ( Lonne and Duke, 2009 ) .
Throughout the literature available around the subject of the professionalisation of the Social Work Profession in the New Zealand context ; it is suggested that it has had a complex and frequently conflicting history. Social work is seen as an business that is difficult to specify and can be seen as non run intoing the features of a ‘profession ‘ . Social work in New Zealand is still in the procedure of being recognised as a profession. Although New Zealand societal work now has a enrollment Act and a Board to implement the Act, it is voluntary. Compulsory enrollment of societal workers in New Zealand is a contested issue with some practicians believing this is non necessary or struggles with the nature of societal work pattern. Social work instruction in New Zealand is another issue that is widely discussed in the literature, with many educational makings being provided by a figure of third establishments. One thing that is known is that the professionalisation of New Zealand societal workers has non been achieved in relation to the current statute law, public consciousness, and employer ‘s point of views.
Subjects: History of the Profession, The Social Work Registration Act and the Social Work Registration Board, Arguments for and against the Professionalization/Registration, and Debates around Social Work Education.
History of the Profession
The first measure towards professionalisation of societal work in Aotearoa New Zealand was the constitution of the School of Social Science in 1949 at Victoria University ( Nash ) . Its course of study was modelled on the English tradition and was a combination of casework and societal disposal. Following on from the creative activity of third instruction for societal workers in 1964 the New Zealand Association of Social Workers ( ANZASW ) was established and in the same twelvemonth it affiliated with the International Association of Social Workers ( Nash, 2009 ) .
The 1970s was an epoch of professional individuality formation for societal workers in New Zealand. The professionalisation of societal work was encouraged in this decennary by the creative activity of the Department of Social Welfare ( DSW ) in 1972 ( Nash, 2009 ) , at the same clip the New Zealand Social Work Training Council ( NZSWTC ) was established. Its occupation was to set up to minimal criterions for making and take responsibly for the accreditation of societal work classs. The Department of Social Welfare recognised “ societal worker ” as an business and societal workers became political advocators, this lead to professionalization through public consciousness.
The 1980s was a period of alteration for the societal work profession that led to a figure of studies and legislative alterations that affected the profession in this clip. In 1984 the Labour authorities came to power which lead to a extremist reorganization of the public assistance province that placed duty for public assistance back with the household and local community, giving finding to derive greater liberty in the proviso of public assistance services, peculiarly with Maori communities ( Nash, 2009 ) . In the same twelvemonth the ANZASW Standing Committee on Racism challenged racism within the profession and urged the ANZASW to see its relationship with Maori in conformity with the Treaty, and proposed for a Bicultural Code of Practice ( Nash, 2009 ) . Following this call for acknowledgment of the Tangata Whenua in the societal work profession ; the 1986 conference of the ANZASW divided into two caucuses, each to hold equal representation at the decision-making degree ( Nash, 2009 ) . In 1986 ; The Ministerial Advisory Committee on a Maori Perspective for the DSW released a study into the institutional racism found in the DSW. The study Puao-te-Ata-tu ( Daybreak ) identified grounds of racism in many facets of the administration and societal work pattern, and made recommendations refering societal work instruction, which it felt was light on Maori civilization and traditions ( Nash, 2009 ; Nash & A ; Munford, 2001 ) . In 1988, in response to this concern and to battle declining rank, the ANZASW adopted a new system in which eligibility for rank system required go throughing a competence trial. The competence trial based on its ain pattern criterions administered by a Board of Competency composed of elective members of the Association which is alone to societal work pattern in the New Zealand context, set uping pattern criterions and appraisal procedures which were acceptable to Maori ( Beddoe & A ; Randall, 1994 ) . The passing of the Children, Young Persons and their Families Act in 1989, besides had a major impact of the altering face of societal work at this clip. The professionalisation of societal work through the 1980s gave power to the Treaty of Waitangi and Maori practicians and clients.
During the 1990s New Zealand the focal point of professionalisation in New Zealand was the displacement of societal public assistance to a theoretical account for societal service bringing which depends on far greater single and community duty ( Barretta-Herman, 1990, 1993, 1994 ; Kelsey, 1993 ; McDonald, 1991 ; Rice, 1992 ; Shirley, 1992 in Beddoe & A ; Randall, 1994 ) . At this clip there were besides a figure of public enquiries, studies and reappraisals which “ investigated allegations of questionable, prejudiced and insecure patterns within the societal services “ ( Beddoe & A ; Randall, 1994 ) . The lacks in societal work pattern identified in these publications, “ have led to alterations which have included the re-enactment of statute law, procedural alterations and the restructuring of services, and in some instances extra resources have been provided to bolster bing services ” . In 1993 following the 1990 Declaration of Ethical Principles by the IFSW, the NZASW developed its ain Code of Ethical motives based on those of the IFSW. These rules took into history the alone legal, cultural and governmental individuality of Aotearoa New Zealand ( Beddoe & A ; Randall, 1994 ) . The Code of Ethics provinces that it seeks: … to supply a set of criterions by which NZASW and member societal workers can find what is legitimate or acceptable behavior within societal work pattern… and makes these criterions explicit for people outside societal work so that they may measure the societal work service being offered ( NZASW, 1993, p. 4, in Beddoe & A ; Randall, 1994 ) . In the Code of Ethics was the Bicultural Code of Practice that was proposed by the 1984 Standing Committee on Racism ( Beddoe and Randall, 1994 ) .
In the late ninetiess and early 2000s the focal point of professionalisation for societal workers in New Zealand was enrollment. The New Zealand Ministry of Commerce established a model for occupational ordinance in 1999 ; this was closely followed by a treatment paper on the enrollment of societal workers promulgated by the Ministry of Social Policy ( MSP, 2000, in Lonne & A ; Duke, 2009 ) . The treatment paper proposed ‘key rule in developing a system of societal work enrollment is that it will be alone to New Zealand and will take into history our peculiar state of affairs and demands, including, most significantly Maori theoretical accounts of societal work pattern. ‘ The Ministry managed a audience procedure that followed the release of the treatment paper. The study on this audience procedure released in 2001, confirmed that there was a strong support for a system that regulated societal workers. The authorities moved fleetly and the SWRA was passed in 2003, with the initial Social Workers Registration Board being appointed in November of the same twelvemonth. The statute law was alone in a figure of ways as it is voluntary in nature, although it is understood that this will alter when the Act is reviewed ( Lonne & A ; Duke, 1994 ) . In the following portion of this reappraisal I will look in-depth of the literature associating to the Social Work Registration Act and Board.
The Social Work Registration Act 2003 and the Social Work Registration Board
Registration brings into concentrate the cognition base of the profession ; the value of self-regulation to the profession ; the relationship with and comparison to other subjects ; the deductions of curtailing entree to pattern ; and the function of authorities in modulating professions. The accomplishment of limited enrollment in New Zealand creates challenges and chances for the profession. However, in New Zealand there is still some ambivalency about professionalisation through ordinance and its impact on nucleus societal work values.
The SWRA established the Social Workers Registration Board ( SWRB ) in 2003 and provided for 10 members, all appointed by the responsible curate. Six members were required to be societal workers who would be eligible for enrollment under the act ( Beddoe & A ; Duke, 2009 ) . The voluntary nature of enrollment has benefits for the profession in that it provides a window of chance for current practicians to fix themselves for the debut of compulsory enrollment, peculiarly in footings of making demands. However, the voluntary nature besides means that non all societal workers are capable to ailments and disciplinary processs contained within the statute law. The statute law besides requires that appliers for enrollment demonstrate that non merely are they ‘a suit and proper individual ‘ to pattern societal work, but besides that they are competent to pattern societal work with Maori and different cultural and cultural groups in New Zealand ( SWRA, 2003 ) . To hold adequate experience and be competent in their pattern, competence requires an appraisal to be passed by the practician that lasts for five old ages. The SWRA required constitution of a agenda of recognized New Zealand societal work makings for intents of enrollment. In 2004 following a short period of audience the SWRB decided that from January 2006 a unmarried man ‘s degree grade in societal work would be required for new practicians seeking to be registered. A lower limit of three old ages of survey is required ( Beddoe & A ; Duke, 2009 ) . Registration is womb-to-tomb and does non discontinue until a petition is made for remotion from the registry or decease, and rehearsing registered societal workers must keep a current one-year practising certification. Prior to the issue of this certification, societal workers must show that they are keeping a current competence certification ( SWRB, 2006, in Beddoe & A ; Duke, 2009 ) .
The New Zealand Code of Conduct was created in 2005 by the SWRB, it states that the papers is to be seen as an adjunct to the professional codification of moralss and each has a distinguishable intent and is non reciprocally sole. The codification of behavior was developed in audience with cardinal stakeholders that indicated that there was a desire to keep an aspirational, values-based codification of moralss, but besides to use a usher to pattern criterions. The development of the New Zealand codification brings societal work into line with other regulated professions which have a codification of behavior that sits aboard a codification of moralss, and such a relationship does non bespeak a hierarchal construction ( Beddoe & A ; Duke, 2009 ) .
During 2007, the Board carried out a legislatively needed reappraisal of its authorising Act ( SWRB, 2007 ) . The reappraisal identified two major barriers to enrollment: the significant cost and the complexness of attacks o showing competency. After a important period of audience about the impact of the Act, the Board has made a figure of recommendations for alterations to the current statute law. These include commissariats for a comprehensive system of societal worker enrollment that protects the rubric of Social Worker – that it, compulsory enrollment ; and for broadening the system of enrollment to include associated workers ( Lonne & A ; Duke, 2009 ) .
Arguments for and against the Professionalization and Regulation of Social Work in New Zealand
Arguments for the ordinance of societal work over the old ages associating to the professionalisation of societal work can be identified as enhanced professional acknowledgment, position, and increased answerability. Lone and Duke ( 2009 ) has identified the undermentioned statements for the enrollment of societal workers:
The enrollment of societal workers does affect a grade if external answerability and better protection for the populace, although this has non needfully resulted in enhanced professional acknowledgment and position.
Regulation of societal work pattern is a cardinal component of public policy designed to protect the populace, addition answerability and guarantee appropriate pattern criterions are maintained.
Society demands that professions have clear mechanisms to ease public examination, minimise injury, and guarantee answerability so that there are cheques and balances to the power and authorization of professionals
It protects the populace and it increases public assurance in societal services.
That It ensures a higher criterion of pattern through qualifying educational makings and ongoing professional development.
It protects vulnerable clients who are non able to reliably assess the criterion or rightness of practician ‘s makings. It addresses the identified restrictions and jobs of self-regulation.
It establishes a uniformed codification of behavior and it provides a damages for aggrieved service users through disciplinary mechanisms.
Many societal workers see enrollment as supplying a tract to professional individuality and more appropriate acknowledgment.
The most common grounds given for the support of enrollment were that enrollment would: put and keep high degrees of professionalism and minimal criterions of pattern, consequence in increased safety and protection for all stakeholders ( including clients and societal workers ) , and supply a formal mechanism for answerability for the societal work profession ( MSP, 2001, p.4, in Lonne & A ; Duke, 2009 ) .
Arguments against the ordinance of societal work are focused on the professions inability to place itself as a profession as there is no clear definition of societal work internationally. Lone and Duke ( 2009 ) has identified the undermentioned statements against the enrollment of societal workers:
Social work is a comparatively benign business with respect to adverse results for service users, so it does non necessitate the same protective ordinances as other subjects.
Regulation would be an unnecessarily restrictive pattern that would adversely impact the enlisting and keeping of qualified staff by favoring one peculiar subject within the human services.
Social work pattern is notoriously hard to specify and differentiation it from a clutter of other subjects and practicians in the modern-day homo services is debatable.
Regulation may ensue in anti-competitive developments within the economic system by curtailing entree to a peculiar professional service.
Social work does no run into all the demands of a profession.
There is a wide definition of what societal work involves, and what making is required to pattern societal work.
Society demands that professions have clear mechanisms to ease public examination minimise injury and guarantee answerability, so that there are cheques and balances to the power and authorization of professions.
Yet, despite these mechanisms for guaranting that work is of a high criterion and done within the bounds of acceptable and ethical behavior, the ‘public has an apprehensible agnosticism about the self-regulatory effects of the professions who themselves entirely find what is and what is non acceptable professional behavior ( Swain, 2001, p.55 ) .
The Debate around Social Work Education
Social work instruction in New Zealand has contributed to the professionalisation schemes of the profession, ( Beddoe & A ; Hendrickson, 2005 ; Lonne & A ; Duke, 2009 ; Nash, 2009 ; Nash & A ; Munford, 2001. From its early yearss of its creative activity in the School of Social Science at Victoria University in 1949 to the broad scope of third degree makings and suppliers of the current environment, instruction has been a changeless argument in the professionalisation of societal work within the New Zealand Context. Social workers, the Association, and the Social Work Registration Act have all pushed for the professionalisation of societal work instruction in New Zealand. Before the passing of the Social Work Registration Act in 2003 there was no clear definition of what was an acceptable sum of instruction for societal workers to obtain before traveling into pattern. Levels of instruction ranged from none, sheepskin, unmarried mans, and Masterss grades. As discussed above to obtain enrollment in New Zealand after the passing of the Act a societal worker demands to hold a recognised unmarried man ‘s grade in societal work, although it is non stipulated whether it is a three or four twelvemonth grade and this does non use to un-registered practicians.
What lessons can be learned? What remains unknown?
The lessons that can be learned are that societal work has a complex history and is of all time altering in its nature in order to be recognised as a profession. There are many arguments that relate to ordinance, instruction, and acknowledgment of the Treaty of Waitangi that relate the professionalisation of societal work within New Zealand that have been discussed through its history and will be continued to be discussed in the hereafter. Nash ( 2009 ) suggests that what the hereafter holds for societal work is a topic of much guess. Lonne and Duke ( 2009 ) suggest that rating of the impact of ordinance on the profession in general and on the quality of societal work services in New Zealand remains and outstanding issue. Presently, there is a small difficult informations available to find the positive and negative results of the current legislative model. It is suggested that there will necessitate to be farther reappraisals of the SWRA and of the educational demands of the profession in the hereafter to measure whether the current professionalisation scheme is working to help acknowledgment of societal work as a profession in the New Zealand Context. As many practicians have had to derive or finish a societal work making, fall in a professional organic structure, set about a competence appraisal and derive professional enrollment. There is great possible to construct a much stronger professional organic structure, poised to take advantage of its greater strength by seeking greater influence in policy and public protagonism. Social work in New Zealand has a sound model in topographic point to endeavor for improved criterions ( Beddoe and Duke, 2009 ) .
Social Work Practice in Aotearoa New Zealand has a complex history with a figure of legislative alterations, studies, enquiries, and publications that have impacted on the professionalisation of societal work pattern. It has been through stages of professional development get downing with the gradual acknowledgment by practicians of their professional societal work individuality ; followed by a move to consolidate the developing profession by organizing a national association and doing proviso for recognized educational makings and enrollment. The most important professionalisation scheme of Social Work in Aotearoa New Zealand has been the passing of the Social Work Registration Act in 2003 by the New Zealand authorities but this has still bought a figure of issues to the professionalisation of societal workers. It has been identified in this reappraisal that there are still a figure of factors impacting upon the professionalisation of societal workers in New Zealand. In this literature reappraisal I have discuss the cardinal definitions of professionalisation, what is already known, the common subjects of professionalisation identified in the literature, and what can be learned from the professions history and what remains unknown for the profession.